“There Are 1,000 Spies in Japan”: An Intelligence Expert Reveals the Shocking Truth About Japan’s Spy Organizations

The reality of the “Special Unit” is…

“There’s no doubt that the ‘Special Unit’ still exists today. However, it’s questionable whether they were actually engaged in the kind of intelligence activities depicted in TV dramas—where agents face the death penalty if captured abroad. The government likely wouldn’t be willing to risk such activities.”

These are the words of Kotaro Ochiai, a professor at Tokyo University of Technology.

Professor Ochiai, an expert in international relations, national security, and intelligence (information gathering and analysis), published *The World of “Spies”: So Fascinating You’ll Lose Track of Time* (Mikasa Shobo) in August.While the terms “spy” and “intelligence” conjure images of something shrouded in secrecy and pique one’s curiosity, the book reveals the reality of spies—who are by no means Superman-like.Unlike the spies who perform spectacular feats in movies, TV dramas, and novels, the book details the bureaucratic and unassuming reality of their work—where they are swamped with paperwork and desk work—as well as famous historical episodes, intelligence agencies from various countries, and the current state of intelligence operations in Japan.

The “Special Unit” mentioned at the beginning is, needless to say, the Ground Self-Defense Force’s intelligence unit depicted in the TV drama *VIVANT* (TBS)—starring actor Masato Sakai (53), whose second season is currently airing—which has captured the public’s attention.The government reportedly does not officially acknowledge the existence of the “Special Unit” (as the Special Unit of the Operations Support and Intelligence Department under the Ground Self-Defense Force Headquarters), and as Professor Ochiai notes, “It used to be visible on their website, but now the website itself cannot be accessed…” Such seemingly peculiar developments somehow serve to bolster the credibility of its existence.

“I asked those involved why the site became inaccessible, but they simply said it was due to ‘technical reasons…’—not because they wanted to hide it.”As for the nature of their activities, accounts range widely—from ‘operations abroad that leave people physically and mentally shattered’ to the more low-key task of conducting interviews with individuals who have visited China, Russia, or North Korea to compile geographical reports… I believe the reality of the Special Unit lies closer to the latter.”

While the true nature of their operations remains unclear and the organization is shrouded in mystery, it’s probably accurate to say that it’s unlikely they actively engage in foreign espionage or covert operations like those seen in TV dramas or movies. A common rumor regarding the state of Japanese intelligence is that “Japan is a spy’s paradise,” but what is the reality?

Is Japan a Spy’s Paradise?

“As for ‘case officers’ who manage ‘agents’ in the field, it’s said that Russia and China each have several dozen. The U.S. is even more impressive. It’s said they do whatever they want in Japan, so I think there are a considerable number of ‘case officers.’ If you include all countries, there are likely several hundred in Tokyo alone. Since each of those several hundred manages multiple operatives, it wouldn’t be surprising if there were as many as 1,000 operatives.

Japan has no anti-espionage law, and the penalties are light. This is rare even on a global scale, so in that sense, it’s understandable why people say “Japan is a spy’s paradise,” but the reality isn’t quite that simple. Domestically, Russian spies are deported once every few years, so the government does have a track record of monitoring and apprehending spies ”

In terms of counterespionage, Japan also has two other agencies: the Public Security Foreign Affairs Division of the National Police Agency and the Public Security Intelligence Agency (hereinafter referred to as PSIA). Both organizations are shrouded in an air of secrecy.

“The Public Security Foreign Affairs Division of the National Police Agency monitors foreign spies and domestic threats to act as a deterrent.

On the other hand, unlike the police, the Public Security Investigation Agency has no authority to arrest; it possesses only “investigative authority.” It was established to track down extremist groups on both the left and right, as well as organizations such as the Aum Shinrikyo cult that violate the Anti-Subversive Activities Act.Now that the activities of such groups have subsided, it is viewed, in a sense, as the PIA having moved into the intelligence field to ensure its survival; consequently, there are occasional calls from within the police—including the Public Security Foreign Affairs Division, whose turf has been encroached upon—arguing that the PIA is unnecessary. However, there are also voices that commend the PIA’s information gathering and analysis.”

Under the administration of Sanae Takaichi—who won the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) presidential election on a platform promising to enact an anti-espionage law—the Act on the Establishment of the National Intelligence Council was enacted and came into effect this past May. The cornerstone of the Takaichi administration’s intelligence policy was the elevation of the Cabinet Intelligence and Research Office (hereinafter referred to as the “CIRO”) to the status of the National Intelligence Agency.While the administration has proposed making the agency “the command center of Japan’s intelligence” by gathering information from various ministries and agencies, Mr. Ochiai points out, “Changing the name is meaningless unless the organizational structure is also changed.”

“Limitations” in Japan

“First of all, in an organization, the head of the Internal Affairs Bureau should ideally be someone well-versed in intelligence, but that position is effectively reserved for a seconded officer from the police. Furthermore, the number two spot is typically filled by someone from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs… and so on. These posts have become fixed, and it has been customary for them to return to their respective ministries after a few years. There is no other intelligence agency in the world like this.

Furthermore, when it came to gathering intelligence from various ministries and agencies, the Internal Affairs Bureau relied strictly on “requests.” I once asked a certain intelligence officer at the Internal Affairs Bureau who had been seconded from the police, and he grumbled, ‘Even the police—my home agency—won’t send information to the Internal Affairs Bureau!’Under these circumstances, it’s no wonder the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Defense, and the Public Security Intelligence Agency were reluctant to hand over information so readily. Regarding these issues, it appears the new National Intelligence Agency will reform the practice of fixed posts and improve its operations so that it can “demand” information from the various ministries and agencies.”

Under the Takashi administration, following the establishment of the National Intelligence Council and the National Intelligence Agency, the government is now aiming to enact anti-espionage legislation and establish a Foreign Intelligence Agency—but…

“Since China enacted its Anti-Espionage Law in 2014, at least 17 Japanese nationals have been detained in China, but judging by how they’ve been treated, I don’t think the Japanese government has made a serious effort to secure their release. Yet what Japan is now planning to do is create an Overseas Intelligence Agency and, if necessary, attempt to gather intelligence by recruiting local people as agents in countries like China and Russia.

But from the perspective of locals, they’ll likely think, ‘No matter how much money they offer, I wouldn’t cooperate with a country that doesn’t even seriously try to bring back its own detained citizens—I wouldn’t have enough lives for that!’ As things stand, it looks to the outside world as though Japan is just ‘playing at being spies.’ It’s not enough to just ‘build a structure.’”

It seems that to build a substantive intelligence system, we must get serious right from the start—starting with organizational development. The government’s commitment to its national intelligence strategy is being put to the test.