Amid Party Infighting and Calls to Step Down, Why PM Ishiba Refuses to Resign

There were also moments at the joint parliamentary meeting where they showed a dissatisfied expression

“Party opinion and public opinion are completely separate.”

Amid a fierce campaign within the LDP to oust him, Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba (68) reportedly told those around him this, showing little concern.

Following a crushing defeat in the July Upper House election, momentum to demand Ishiba’s resignation has intensified within the party. From the moment of the loss, Ishiba has consistently stated he will fulfill my responsibilities to avoid a political vacuum and continue to work with responsibility. The party remains divided over his future, and despite this being the 80th year since the end of the war, both factions show no sign of yielding.

On August 8, a joint parliamentary meeting was held at the LDP headquarters, with the agenda titled “Review of the Upper House election and future party management.”

“How should we handle tariff negotiations, agricultural policy, and disaster prevention? I would like to hear various opinions so that we can continue to act responsibly for Japan,”

Ishiba said in his opening remarks, listing his policies—including trade negotiations with the U.S., reforms in agricultural policy such as switching to a rice surplus system, and establishing a disaster prevention agency—while arguing for his continuation in office.

The July 28 joint parliamentary discussion, scheduled for two hours, ran for four and a half. This time, the meeting lasted as planned at two hours, but calls for an early leadership election emerged, moving discussion toward advancing the election schedule.

According to Shigeharu Aoyama (73), who attended the meeting, when a motion to hold the election earlier was raised, Ishiba showed a dissatisfied expression and spoke to Secretary-General Hiroshi Moriyama (80) beside him.

“About an hour into the meeting, Haruko Arimura (54), chair of the joint parliamentary meeting, said, ‘Let’s focus the discussion. Please limit opinions to whether we should hold the leadership election.’ While some expressed support for Ishiba’s continuation, a series of opinions favored advancing the election, and the matter was referred to the leadership election management committee. The final decision is still up to the committee, so it’s uncertain whether it will happen, but the stage has shifted rapidly. The momentum now seems to be heading toward a leadership election,” Aoyama said.

With a potential leadership election in sight, pressure on the Ishiba administration to resign appears to be mounting. Ichirō Aisawa (71), chairman of the leadership election management committee, admitted his surprise:

“This is the first time in LDP history. If more than half of the party’s members of both houses of the Diet and more than half of the 47 prefectural chapters request it, an extraordinary leadership election can be held. But there is no precedent for this, nor any rules on how to confirm the request. First, we need to establish a proper system.”

According to Article 6, Paragraph 4 of the LDP rules, if a majority of 172 out of the total 342 votes from the 295 party Diet members and prefectural representatives agree, the leadership election can be advanced. Conversely, if the majority is not reached, it would be considered approval for Ishiba to continue as party president.

“So far, it has only been decided to consider whether to advance the election. With no precedent, there is no clear method to confirm the will of each prefecture or Diet member, and it’s unclear when or how it will happen. Six of the eleven committee members are vacant, so the committee must first be organized. Chairman Aisawa, who has been entrusted with handling this, hasn’t started immediately, saying ‘I have my own schedule.’ While resignation pressure is increasing, Ishiba’s position is likely secure until autumn,” said a political reporter from a national newspaper.

The surprising reason some support Prime Minister Ishiba: “Don’t resign, Ishiba”

Meanwhile, even within the LDP, there is a small group of supporters.

Shinako Tsuchiya (73), a House of Representatives member, opposes an early resignation:

“Even if he resigns now. Tariff negotiations with the U.S. are still shifting, and we don’t know what (President Trump) might say next. Regarding the Upper House election loss, many voices say, ‘First deal with the lawmakers involved in slush funds’ and ‘They should pay taxes on those slush funds as miscellaneous income.’ I agree with that view. The public won’t be satisfied until those lawmakers take responsibility.”

Muneo Suzuki (77), who rejoined the LDP after 23 years, also criticized the former Abe faction:

“Before the leadership election, the slush fund issue must be addressed. The party cannot gain trust without disciplining those lawmakers again.”

Within the party, Ishiba’s influence has clearly weakened. Yet outside the headquarters, a very different scene unfolded.

Two and a half hours after the joint parliamentary meeting, about 200 people gathered outside LDP headquarters in the rain. Holding penlights, they chanted support for Ishiba: “Don’t resign, Ishiba!” “We’re with you!” “We want to hear the 80-year statement!” For the third consecutive week, the demonstration was held.

A 72-year-old man from Chiba, holding a placard reading, “We want to hear Prime Minister Ishiba’s 80-year statement!” said:

“Are we going to drag down a leader we chose ourselves? Ishiba speaks in his own words. At the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Ceremony on August 6, he introduced a tanka by Shinoe Shoda and offered heartfelt condolences. Unlike other prime ministers who read pre-prepared speeches, he spoke from his experience. I came here because I want to hear the 80-year statement. I believe he will continue and surpass the Murayama and Abe statements.”

Another supporter, a 62-year-old office worker from Nakano, held a placard reading, “#Don’tResignIshiba; resign are those lawmakers involved in slush funds or secret deals”:

“The Upper House election loss was manageable because it was Ishiba. The real responsibility lies with lawmakers tied to slush funds and the Unification Church. Ishiba wanted to implement selective separate surnames for couples but couldn’t push it forward due to the conservative faction in the party. He should do what he believes is right, without worrying about party opinion.”

An NHK opinion poll (August 9–11) showed 49% in favor of Ishiba continuing, compared with 40% opposed. Despite the Upper House election defeat, the poll also showed a 7-point increase in Cabinet support to 38%. These numbers bolster Ishiba’s decision to continue, though his position remains precarious.

Whether he continues or resigns, Ishiba refuses to face the notion of resignation, while the anti-Ishiba faction is consumed by internal party struggles. How long will this power struggle, excluding the public, continue?